IN 1946, Malaya stood at a pivotal moment in its history. The British had returned, greeted with cheers and celebrations in towns like Georgetown, where Admiral Walker’s arrival on September 3, 1945, symbolized the end of the Japanese occupation.
Crowds marched from Weld Quay to the Eastern & Oriental Hotel, celebrating what they thought was the beginning of stability and restoration.
But the jubilation masked an unfolding crisis. The British Military Administration’s plan for the Malayan Union, announced on October 10, 1945, sought to centralise governance under British control, grant equal citizenship to Chinese and Indian settlers, and strip Malay rulers of their sovereignty. To the British, this was modernisation. To the Malays, it was a betrayal.
Coercion of the Malay Rulers
The Malay rulers, still reeling from the Japanese occupation, were in a vulnerable position. Some had been accused of collaboration, and the British exploited this to coerce their compliance with the Malayan Union agreements.
On January 21, 1946, the rulers were presented with agreements that effectively reduced them to ceremonial roles, transferring sovereignty to the British Crown.
Faced with threats of abdication, misinformation, and promises of legitimacy under British protection, the rulers had little choice but to comply. For the Malay population, the Malayan Union, inaugurated on April 1, 1946, was an existential threat, eroding their identity and political dominance.
A $15,000 gesture that sparked a movement
Amid the brewing unrest, Sultan Hisamuddin Alam Shah of Selangor made a substantial contribution of $15,000 — equivalent to RM1,045,800 today— to fund the First Malay Congress, which convened from March 1 to 4, 1946, in Kuala Lumpur.
This gathering brought together Malay leaders, intellectuals, and citizens from across the peninsula to resist the Malayan Union.
The congress gave birth to the United Malays National Organization (Umno) on May 11, 1946, which quickly became the unifying force against the colonial plan.
By January 31, 1948, their efforts led to the replacement of the Malayan Union with the Federation of Malaya, which restored some degree of sovereignty to the rulers and reaffirmed Malay rights.
But this was also an acceptance of the newly recognised 2.5 million non-Malay citizens, primarily Chinese and Indian, who now outnumbered the Malays.
This recognition, while necessary for national unity, created a demographic shift that reshaped the political and cultural dynamics of the young nation.
Fragile unity: 1964 racial riots in Singapore
Even as Umno grew in strength and influence, cracks in Malaysia’s multi-ethnic unity began to show. The 1964 Singapore racial riots, also known as the Prophet Muhammad Birthday Riots, occurred on July 21 and September 3, 1964, exposing deep-seated tensions between the Malay and Chinese communities.
The first riot on July 21, 1964, began during a procession celebrating Prophet Muhammad’s birthday. The event, involving 25,000 Malays, escalated into violence after inflammatory political speeches and clashes with Chinese residents. The riots resulted in 23 deaths, 454 injuries, and over 1,000 arrests.
The second riot, on September 3, 1964, was triggered by the murder of a Malay trishaw rider. Retaliatory attacks erupted, leading to 13 more deaths, 356 injuries, and widespread destruction.
Both riots underscored the deep divisions between Malays and Chinese in Singapore, exacerbated by political tension between Umno and Singapore’s People’s Action Party (PAP).
By August 9, 1965, the situation reached a breaking point, and Singapore was expelled from Malaysia—a painful but necessary decision to prevent further destabilization.
A Precedent for Today: Malaysia’s role in BRICS
Fast forward to today, Malaysia faces a new challenge to its unity and sovereignty. The decision to align with BRICS — a bloc led by nations like China and Russia — sets a precedent that echoes past struggles. This shift in alliances, driven by the promise of economic growth and global influence, also risks tying Malaysia’s fate to powers that may not prioritise its interests.
Anwar Ibrahim’s government has made this bold move, but it comes with the responsibility to safeguard Malaysia’s sovereignty and independence in an increasingly polarised global order.
As Malaysia steps into this new alignment, it must remember the lessons of 1946: unity, resilience, and a shared vision are the foundations of strength.
Looking ahead: Unite without identity politics
The events of 1946 and the 1964 Singapore Racial Riots show that unity and collective action can overcome even the greatest challenges — but only if sustained by continuous effort.
Sultan Hisamuddin’s substantial contribution of $15,000 sparked a movement that protected Malay sovereignty and reshaped the nation’s future.
But unity today cannot rely on the divisions of yesterday. Malaysia must rise above identity politics and build a cohesive society that values its diversity as a strength rather than a weakness. Policies like fuel subsidies, introduced as relief measures, now drain national resources and hinder progress. Ending these subsidies and reinvesting in innovation, infrastructure, and education can unlock Malaysia’s immense potential.
It is time for Malaysia to unite again — not against external powers or internal demographics, but against inefficiency, inequality, and stagnation. Just as in 1946, the nation needs bold leadership and collective resolve to move forward as one.
In 1946, petrol cost just $0.10 a liter — a subtle reminder of how far Malaysia has come, and how much further it can go. The question is whether today’s leaders and citizens can rise to the occasion, building a nation that transcends its divisions and fulfils its promise of unity and prosperity. – December 9, 2024
The writer is a contributor to Scoop. A Penangite, the writer is an entrepreneur in the global logistics industry and sees Malaysia’s potential as a global player. The first part of this article can be read here.